Too many Innocent people in Jail to keep care of the guilty ones

Jamil Brown FSU california Boys State 2014

Kidnapping innocent blacks is Motivated by Free Cash and Free Labor:

I give blacks permission to defend themselves and their families against harm. I give Blacks permission to hire officers that they choose. I give blacks permission to not go to jail if innocent. I give blacks permission to love one another. i give blacks permission to grow all the weed they want to feed their family and to beautify there communities. i give blacks permission to control when their trash is picked up. I give blacks permission to choose the teachers they children spend their days with.

When you, our white fellow countrymen, have attempted to do anything for us, it has generally been to deprive us of some right, power or privilege which you yourself would die before you would submit to have taken from you.(Frederick Douglas)

Abrahan Lincoln’s emphasis on ending slavery was as much to protect economic opportunity for free whites as it was to prevent slavery’s spread. Abraham Lincoln’s beef with slavery was that it robbed poor white men of jobs.

What shall be done with Negus if the jails close and hemp is legalized?

Our answer is, do nothing with them; mind your business, and let them mind theirs. Your doing with them is their greatest misfortune. They have been undone by your doings, and all they now ask, and really have need of at your hands, is just to let them alone. They suffer by every interference, and succeed best by being let alone. The Negro should have been let alone in Africa—let alone when the pirates and robbers offered him for sale in our Christian slave markets— (more cruel and inhuman than the Mohammedan slave markets)—let alone by courts, judges, politicians, legislators and slavedrivers—let alone altogether, and assured that they were thus to be let alone forever, and that they must now make their own way in the world, just the same as any and every other variety of the human family. As colored men, we only ask to be allowed to do with ourselves, subject only to the same great laws for the welfare of human society which apply to other men, Jews, Gentiles, Barbarian, Sythian. Let us stand upon our own legs, work with our own hands, and eat bread in the sweat of our own brows. When you, our white fellow countrymen, have attempted to do anything for us, it has generally been to deprive us of some right, power or privilege which you yourself would die before you would submit to have taken from you. When the planters of the West Indies used to attempt to puzzle the pure minded Wilberforce with the question, How shall we get rid of slavery? his simple answer was, “quit stealing.” In like manner, we answer those who are perpetually puzzling their brains with questions as to what shall be done with the Negro, “let him alone and mind your own business.” If you see him plowing in the open field, leveling the forest, at work with a spade, a rake, a hoe, a pickaxe, or a bill—let him alone; he has a right to work. If you see him on his way to school, with spelling book, geography and arithmetic in his hands—let him alone. Don’t shut the door in his face, nor bolt your gates against him; he has a right to learn—let him alone. Don’t pass laws to degrade him. If he has a ballot in his hand, and is on his way to the ballotbox to deposit his vote for the man whom he thinks will most justly and wisely administer the Government which has the power of life and death over him, as well as others—let him alone; his right of choice as much deserves respect and protection as your own. If you see him on his way to the church, exercising religious liberty in accordance with this or that religious persuasion—let him alone.—Don’t meddle with him, nor trouble yourselves with any questions as to what shall be done with him. Frederick Douglas.

Williams gets this second chance at sentencing because of a Supreme Court ruling in the Miller versus Arkansas 2012 case that says it’s unconstitutional to have a mandatory life sentence for someone who was under age 18 at the time of the offense. [Writing for the majority in the decision concerning juvenile offenders, Justice Elena Kagan said the Constitution forbids “requiring that all children convicted of homicide receive lifetime incarceration without possibility of parole, regardless of their age and age-related characteristics and the nature of their crimes.”Justices Bar Mandatory Life Terms for Juveniles

The law in North Carolina used to be that if a defendant, age 16 and above was convicted of first-degree murder, he automatically got a life sentence. Williams was 17 in 2008.



COLUMBUS, Ohio — About 10,000 people in the United States may be wrongfully convicted of serious crimes each year, a new study suggests.

The results are based on a survey of 188 judges, prosecuting attorneys, public defenders, sheriffs and police

chiefs in Ohio and 41 state attorneys general.

The study also found that the most important factor leading to wrongful conviction is eyewitness


The Economist

Jul 22, 2010 – First, it puts too many people away for too long. …. Innocent defendants may plead guilty in return for a shorter sentence to avoid the risk of a …


The truth was that southern slaveowners had a near stranglehold on the country. Historian Leonard L. Richards noted that in the early 19th Century, “a slaveholding oligarchy ran the country – and ran it for their own advantage.”55 Richards wrote “that slavemasters had far more power than their numbers warranted, In the sixty-two years between Washington’s election and the Compromise of 1850, for example, slaveholders controlled the presidency for fifty years, the [House] Speaker’s chair for forty-one years, and the chairmanship of House Ways and Means for forty-two years.”56 Slaves also represented economic power. Historian James M. McPherson wrote: “Slaves were the principal form of wealth in the South – indeed in the nation as a whole. The market value of the four million slaves in 1860 was close to $3 billion – more than the value of land, of cotton, or of anything else in the slave states, and more than the amount of capital invested in manufacturing and railroads combined for the whole United States.” McPherson wrote: “The centrality of slavery to ‘the Southern way of life’ had long focused the region’s politics on defense of the institution….But with the rise of the cotton kingdom, slavery became in the eyes of Southern whites by the 1830s a ‘positive good’ for black and white alike.”57 Eventually, Republicans would seize on opposition to “slave power” as a key political concept. Historian Historian William E. Gienapp wrote that the “ambiguity” of “slave power” “offered certain advantages, for it allowed Republican orators to shift its meaning somewhat to support most effectively their argument.”58The impact of slavery on the American economy was pervasive. William Lee Miller wrote: “In 1861, as Lincoln took office, American slavery was a huge, entrenched, enormously powerful, fiercely defended and increasingly profitable institution. The half-million slaves present at the nation’s beginning had grown now to four million, or one-eighth of the nation’s population. Slavery was not only an enormous economic force in itself but had fundamental ties to other industries – cotton, sugar, rice, tobacco, indigo – and the whole economy, indirectly.”59 Gienapp wrote: “Apprehension that slavery would become national was not an infrequent theme voiced by a few excited politicians; it permeated Republican thought after 1856, and its advocates included the party’s most thoughtful spokesmen.”60

As Mr. Lincoln feared, the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 lit the fires of slavery agitation that led to violence in Kansas between pro-slavery and anti-slavery factions, and ultimately led to the Civil War. Scholar David Zarefsky wrote: “The Lecompton struggle [of 1857] made plain the counterproductive effects of the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Not only had it not promoted local self-government, but it had also, in [James] Rawley’s words, ‘elicited the worst traits from the American people: fraud in voting, guerrilla fighting, sophistical logic, trickery, terrorism, passion, insult, extreme partisanship, murder, and underpinning all else – a vicious racialism.’ It also marked the practical end of the dispute over slavery in the territories.”61


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